The Middle East is one of the most important, sensitive and complex regions in the world. What makes this region stand out in all its dimensions and areas is its unique political, economic, cultural-social, geographical and geopolitical features. These conditions have somehow overshadowed the structural equations of the region under the dialectical influence of the interaction of political, economic, cultural-social and security components and power in relation to other actors in the region, so that the increase of cooperation of these governments in this interaction space, eventually led to the formation of an organization called the Persian Gulf Cooperation Council in 1981 in the Persian Gulf regional system. The Persian Gulf Cooperation Council is one of the most important regional organizations in the regional environment of Iran, and Iran's policies have always played an important role in the orientations and goals of the council. In this regard, the members of the Council considered the developments in the Middle East, especially the establishment of a democratic and Shiite government in Iraq and the developments of the Islamic Awakening as a shift in the balance of power in favor of Iran and increasing power and influence in the regions of Iran. Movements in the regions of Iran see their lives and survival in danger. This has caused them to use all their facilities and tools to counter the growing power of the regions of Iran. Understanding the real tensions between Iran and the Saudi-led PGCC COUNTRIES along the Shiite-Sunni lines in the PGCC has been shaped most regionally and internationally. These differences also undermine Iran's efforts to improve relations with council governments in recent years. Since Hassan Rouhani came to power, he has repeatedly proposed peace initiatives for Saudi-led PGCC member states. Not only has this pragmatic policy not been very successful, but Iran-Saudi Arabia relations have become much colder than before. Relations between Iran and the Persian Gulf Cooperation Council have worsened since the Barjam nuclear deal. Iran's regional expansion and the siege of Qatar, while changing the power structure in the Persian Gulf region, created more tension and insecurity in the region and increased the scope of confrontation between Iran and Saudi Arabia, especially after Trump's unilateral withdrawal from the UN Security Council and the announcement of "maximum pressure policy. " He turned against Iran. Although several smaller Gulf states have taken a more balanced approach to their relations with Iran, the main policy of the council is by Saudi Arabia with a new configuration of Middle East policy that sees a rare tripartite convergence of interests was regulated against Iran between Saudi Arabia and Israel. and the United States under Trump. According to the actions of the Cooperation Council and foreign interventionist powers, Iran's policy towards the Persian Gulf Cooperation Council is mainly based on three considerations: First, it hopes to turn enemies into friends, improves Iran's isolated position, and resolves the security-geopolitical dilemma in the Persian Gulf region. Second, Tehran's goal is to develop trade relations with its Persian Gulf neighbors and promote Iran's economic development, and third, to cooperate with Iran to reduce US influence in the Persian Gulf and weaken its hostility to Iran. Therefore, this article uses a method of analytical research to review the regional and international policies of the Islamic Republic of Iran from a historical perspective to explain the relations with the neighbors of the Cooperation Council in the post-Iran-Iraq period. The question that arises is what has been the main component and axis of Iran's policy after the Holy Defense, especially during the presidency of Mr. Rouhani towards the PGCC? . This study shows that during Mr. Rouhani's administration, improving relations with the PGCC has been the main focus of Iran's efforts to improve security in the Persian Gulf region. However, a number of structural obstacles, historical distrust, and Iran's movements in the region have severely hostile Tehran's relations with the Cooperation Council and have further increased insecurity in the region as Iran's growing influence in the Arab region coincides with its anti-hegemonic policy. This means that Iran's peace initiatives with the Cooperation Council have faced major obstacles, and Iran's success in reducing tensions and promoting peace plans with the PGCC has not been useful.

This paper studies Iranian private banks’ performance comparing with GCC COUNTRIES’ banks, using profitability, liquidity, efficiency and credit quality ratios. The findings of this paper show that Iranian private banks had an acceptable performance in their stages of incipience. The four mentioned group of ratios, used for evaluating banks’ performance, describe different aspects of their performance. Profitability ratios focus on how well a bank is performing and mainly describe the income structure of it, liquidity ratios measure the bank’s ability to meet its short-term obligations on time, efficiency ratios show how a bank is losing an amount of its income to expenses and finally the credit quality ratios show the strength of the bank in order to deal with internal and external difficulties and challenges.

In this paper, the trade potentials between Iran and GCC are identified by employing gravity models. Moreover, the Comparative Advantage Index of Iran and GCC COUNTRIES are calculated from 1997 to 2001.The result of this study shows that Iran can increase its exports to the GCC COUNTRIES to 652 million US$ and also raise its imports to 642 million US$, implying significant differences between trade potentials and trade performances.

One of the main challenges of productive economic activities in the country is the limitation of access to financial resources despite the high level of total liquidity of the country as well as international capacities in the field of financing. This situation indicates incomplete and ineffective liquidity and credit management. One of the effective means of directing internal and external liquidity to productive economic activities are sukuk, which have been used by Islamic COUNTRIES. This study deals with the issue of whether financing through international sukuk has had a significant impact on the growth of Islamic COUNTRIES that this experience can be used in order to finance productive activities of the country. In this regard, the Gulf cooperation council COUNTRIES have been investigated during the period of 2001-2020 using the combined data regression approach. The results show that the issuance of sukuk has a significant effect on the economic growth of the studied COUNTRIES, and if properly planned and politicized, this instrument can be a breakthrough in Iran.

Introduction                                   Traditionally, the strategic and tactical communications of the member states of the Persian Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC)—both before and after gaining independence in the 1970s—have predominantly adhered to Western approaches and attitudes. Notably, there has been a significant shift in the foreign policy and economic perspectives of the member states. This shift is characterized by an increased focus on fostering economic–political interactions with the Asian super-region, particularly the East Asian subregion (e.g., Japan and China). This shift is evident in collaborative mega-projects such as the Belt and Road Initiative, China’s Arab Policy Paper, and increasing relations in different fields. The new policy reflects a discernible shift in discourse and a departure from purely Western perspectives, heralding a transition to emerging economic and political views within the Asian super-region, while maintaining relations with Western powers, such as the United States. The present study aimed to examine the political–economic factors accelerating the Asianization of the GCC members and steering them towards new Asian partners. The central question is: What political–economic factors have contributed to the Asianization of the Persian Gulf and the shift of focus of GCC members towards Asian partners? The article posits that the shift in the foreign policy of GCC members can be attributed to the influence of various factors associated with individual, societal, and governmental levels, as well as the factors relating to roles and the structure of the international system.Theoretical FrameworkIt seems that a multi-causal explanation of how the GCC COUNTRIES engage with emerging Asian powers, as well as their gradual foreign policy shift from the Western block towards Eastern powers, necessitates an approach that takes into account both macro and micro perspectives. To conduct a multi-causal explanation of Asianism in foreign policy actions and behaviors of GCC states, the present research integrated macro-level analytical components, such as the influence of the international structure, and the micro-level factors such as the roles played by leaders, governments, and society. Given its inclusivity and theoretical breadth, the theoretical framework could offer more analytical possibilities to address almost every component and factor involved in Asianization of the Persian Gulf.Materials and MethodsTo address the research question and test the hypothesis, the study relied on the descriptive–analytical method and causal inference, adopting a multi-causal approach at both micro and macro levels. Results and DiscussionThe Asianization of the Persian Gulf region, influenced by various political–economic requisites, stands out as the most pivotal political and diplomatic shift experienced by the Arab COUNTRIES in the region. The end of the Cold War in 1991 marked a transition from a bipolar to a multipolar international system. Amid the struggle of the Western bloc for supremacy during the Cold War, Asia embarked on a decisive path of growth and prominence in the 1960s and 1970s, diverging from the prevailing Western current. As an ancillary consequence in the international scene, regionalism has emerged in Asia, with a focus on East Asian actors. With the rise of the emerging pole of power in East Asia over recent decades, the Asian super-region is actively working to shape the new international order and extra-regional agendas, leveraging increased economic power and the ability to shape the discourse at the international level. The economic rise of China, alongside Japan, South Korea, Taiwan, and India, which accounted for a third of the world’s gross domestic product in 2000, heralded the participation of the Asian super-region in the international order. These developments gave rise to Asianism as an alternative to the Western framework as well as a successful model of economic development at both regional and extra-regional levels—which could expand the influence and reach of Asian COUNTRIES in shaping political agendas and the then new international order. Therefore, Asianization can be viewed as a transitional process that includes the divergence of governments at regional and international levels from the dominant Western current in political, economic, cultural, and military arenas, leading to the increased role and dominance of Asian alternatives over recent decades.The research findings highlight that beyond historical interactions in cultural, energy, commercial, and military areas, several factors have contributed to the Asianization of the GCC members. The factors include a generational shift among the GCC leaders, the necessity of fostering a productive economy to ensure the survival and legitimacy of the Persian Gulf states, and global developments in the international structure such as the acceleration of power shift from the West to the East, the remarkable rise of China, and the need for regional balance. In recent years, these factors have resulted in the stabilization and acceleration of the Asianization among the GCC member states. Notably, the contribution of the international structure is significantly more influential than other variables. The ongoing transition and structural changes within the international system have not only shaped the evolving attitudes of new GCC leaders towards economic functionalism and international cooperation but also imposed certain requirements at the reginal and international levels that could further propel the Asianization process. The latter include alliances and coalitions with Eastern powers while balancing against Iran. The variable of structural changes even becomes more significant when considering its constitutive role in shaping the future of Gulf–Asian relations.ConclusionCurrently, the process of Asianization in the Persian Gulf is intertwined with the broader global trend of Asianization. Nevertheless, it appears that the GCC COUNTRIES will continue to consider their relationships with the US and the West as crucial, particularly in military-cum-security domains where they largely rely on the US and Western partners. However, the increasing economic and political dependence on the East is influenced by evolving requirements, suggesting that international–regional connections will ultimately lay the foundation for the all-round dominance of Eastern powers, such as China, over the Western and security configuration of the Persian Gulf.

A B S T R A C T Transformations such as globalization, the contiguity of geographical spaces, as well as developments in the field of military technologies have transformed the issue of defense as the main factor for the survival of COUNTRIES. Because the transformation from hard to soft war and then the smart war in recent decades has changed the approaches to defense. These transformations have led to the development of discussions about defense purposes. Meanwhile, Middle East COUNTRIES have a prominent position and importance in terms of defense due to their special conditions. This article has tried to investigate the basic dimensions affecting the defense of foreign COUNTRIES with descriptive and analytical methods, using library and field findings and Smart-PLS software. The results of the current research show that the effective components in the current research include 130 items that are placed in the form of 15 dimensions. The importance of these dimensions in defense of the Middle East COUNTRIES is, respectively, geopolitical dimension with a 0.43 score, military dimension with a 0.41 score, economic dimension with a 0.41 score, political dimension with a 0.39 score, hydrology dimension with a 0.34 score, security dimension with a 0.32 score, social dimension with a 0.29 score, demographic dimension with a 0.28 score, cultural dimension with a 0.26 score, scientific-health dimension with a 0.25 score, geomorphological dimension with a 0.25 score, mathematical dimension with a 0.2 score, climatic dimension with a 0.2 score, biological dimension with a 0.2 score and soil dimension with a 0.18 score. Extended Abstract Introduction Security and defense are among the most vital issues for the preservation and survival of COUNTRIES. In fact, defense and military affairs are necessary for COUNTRIES' independence and political, cultural and economic development. Among them, geography and political geography are prominent fields that directly affect defense issues. Actions taken by a country in dimensions (political, military, economic, etc.) in order to maintain security and territorial integrity, guarantee independence and protection of its people against any enemy attack, will organize the geographical (spatial) environment, wise and appropriate distribution of critical places and sensitive centers and infrastructures are identified by taking into account the threats and the correct use of environmental capacities in political, economic, social, cultural, etc. dimensions, and as a result, it can lead to stability and stability in the country's geographical space. The design of defense planning model according to the economic, cultural, political and environmental features in the new era when COUNTRIES are facing external and internal threats as a sub-branch of territorial planning has received the attention and importance of officials and governance systems in order to be able to reduce these threats with accurate and systematic planning in the geographical space, defense planning is not separate from the flow of national and regional planning. It is important to pay attention to it based on the type and amount of external and internal threats to governance. Due to the expansion of the security circle, the government is not only responsible for creating military security. However, it must also exercise part of its authority in the direction of territorial management. On the other hand, there has been a transformation in the form of threats and wars based on changes and the movement from hard to soft war and finally, smart war is the basis for reviewing and recognizing the components that can be used in defense of COUNTRIES, including the Middle East COUNTRIES, have a prominent position and importance. Despite the internal differences between COUNTRIES, the Middle East has commonalities and connections that can directly affect the overall defense of this geographical space.   Methodology In terms of type and purpose, the current research is fundamentally applied. Also, it is descriptive and analytical in terms of nature. This research, in addition to the correct and realistic depiction of the defense situation of the Middle East COUNTRIES, it is tried to provide a suitable model for the defense of the COUNTRIES. The sources used in the current research are library and field sources (questionnaires). According to the subject of the current research, the statistical population of this research is a collection of people, experts and elites who have sufficient knowledge, experience and expertise regarding the research topic, which is the design of the defense model, according to the nature of the Delphi pattern model, at least the statistical population based on the sources should be between twenty and fifty people to reach statistical saturation. The number of selected samples included 51 people who were identified in the form of a non-random sampling pattern and introduced as a statistical sample in the framework of the Delphi model. Due to the qualitative nature of this research, it has been tried to use the Delphi model in the framework of the targeted non-random model. Therefore, based on these cases, the current research has selected the maximum statistical population of 51 elites, experts, and opinionated people in this field. In this research, to evaluate the research hypotheses in the form of the hardness equations model, the partial least squares method and the SMART-PLS software, which is a variance-based path modeling technique and provides the possibility of checking the theory and metrics simultaneously, have been exerted.   Results and discussion In this research, approaches such as political, military, cultural, etc., in the field of land use have been discussed. In the meantime, the defense of COUNTRIES as an emerging approach is significant. According to the developments in geographical spaces, such as the evolution of military-defense technologies, the connection of geographical spaces to each other and most importantly, the movement from hard and soft war to smart war has witnessed a transformation and wide attention in a way that COUNTRIES are suited to these developments are trying to prepare the geographical space of their country in terms of defense. Therefore, the defense planning of the Middle East COUNTRIES as a geographical region has great importance from a geopolitical and strategic point of view, which indicates that the COUNTRIES of this region face threats and complex defense-security issues in different ways.   Conclusion The results of the present research show that the defense planning in developing COUNTRIES should be considered according to their characteristics, considering all 15 dimensions, which include 130 components. In the design of the defense planning of these COUNTRIES, attention should be paid to the weight and importance of the shaping dimensions. In general, it can be said that the defense planning of the Middle East COUNTRIES is proportional to the geographical features of these COUNTRIES and on the other hand, considering the developments in the field of threats and moving from hard to smart war, 15 dimensions should be considered for the defense of these COUNTRIES.   Funding There is no funding support.   Authors’ Contribution Authors contributed equally to the conceptualization and writing of the article. All of the authors approved thecontent of the manuscript and agreed on all aspects of the work declaration of competing interest none.   Conflict of Interest Authors declared no conflict of interest.   Acknowledgments  We are grateful to all the scientific consultants of this paper.